Tanzania : Rise of nationalism (1945-1961)
Updated September 2010
In the immediate aftermath of the war the priority of the colonial government was to place the economy on a healthy footing once more; this was assisted by the post-war boom demand for commodities, and the economy of thecolony boomed. The high demand for commodities and the rising wages and incomes to be earned drew increasing numbers of Africans into small scale commercial farming and into wage labour on the plantations (Columbia Encyclopedia 2004, PBS Foundation Undated). A 10-year planwas launched in 1946 to develop the territory, focusing on drawing greater numbers of Africans into thecash economy, improving education and bringing the indigenous people into the political framework through popularly elected local councils (PBS Foundation Undated). Aspects of the10-year plan, such as the Groundnuts Scheme, proved unworkable and had to be scaled down or abandoned (Government of Tanzania undated).In 1946 Tanganyika's status changedand it became a UN trust territory under British direction. British undertakings required that the territory be developed in the interests of its inhabitants and that the inhabitants prepared for participation in political government. Territorial representation of Africans in the Legislative Council began with the appointment of two Africans in 1945 and was later increased to four (as against three Asian and four European representatives). In 1955 the membership was changed to 10 representatives from each group (Government of Tanzania undated).Alongside these economic and constitutional developments ran a new political thrust that was to transform the situation. The new levels of African political consciousness and organisation that emerged after the war were first manifested in the dockworkers' strikes of 1947 and 1948 in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar respectively (Othman 2004). Indeed, labour unrestand the concomitant rise of the organised trade union movement characterised the 1950s in Tanganyika (Chachage 2003). The general rise of nationalism on the African continent was expressed in particular in Tanganyika in the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) from the Tanganyika African Association on July 7, 1954, and in its subsequent growth into a mass based popular political party (Othman 2004, Temwende 2004, 1).From the beginning Julius Nyerere, an architect and founder of TANU, regarded the new movement as a vehicle for attaining independence from Britain. Building on the grievances of the people, summed up by Chachage Seithy Chachage as"land alienation, forced labour, taxation, native authorities, low wages, low prices and bad living and working conditions in general under colonialism", TANU under Nyerere sought to connect the struggle for economic and social improvement of individuals and groups with the need for self government and independence as a means to social and political transformation. The vastbulk of the people of Tanganyika seemed to understand and accept this position, for TANU quickly became a mass political party (Chachage 2003). Thus TANU mobilised people in different parts ofthe country around specific issues and grievances, and then went on to use these particular problems to highlight the general problems of colonial government and the need fora self-directed national life. In this way land evictions, coercive developmental measures and other unpopular administrative measures were used to rally the population around TANU and its independence programme (Chachage 2003).The consequence was that the colonialgovernment found it increasingly difficult to deal with social upheavals such as protests and riots without the intermediation of TANU. Nor were there any alternative political organisations that the colonial government could develop as a more docile alternative to TANU. Neither the United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed in 1958 by land owning white settlers as a counter TANU, nor the African National Congress (ANC), which split from TANU in 1958, were able to position themselves as rivals to TANU (Chachage 2003, Peter 2000). In truth, TANU's only potentialrival, the emerging trade union movement, was not susceptible to cooption in this way by the colonial government. After the 1959 electionsconflicts between TANU and the trade union movement began to emerge. TANU would not endorse theseries of strikes that were called among sisal, communications and mineworkers in various parts of the territory, while trade unionists for their part found the lack of support from the major party in the Legislative Council incomprehensible (Chachage 2003).In the first Legislative Council elections in 1959 TANU and its Asian and European compatriots won all theelective seats. Independence for Tanganyika became difficult for Britain to gainsay (Government of Tanzania undated, PBS Foundation Undated). For her part Britain had little to gain from blocking independence. There were few white settlers in Tanganyika, and only a fraction of these were British. Moreover Britain had slight economic interests in the colony and those they had could be served as well under local as under British rule. The upshot was that self rule was granted in December 1959, elections were held in 1960 that confirmed TANU's overwhelming dominance (see1960 Legislative Council election resultsfor details) and independencefollowed shortly thereafter in December 9, 1961 (Temwende 2004, 1).In Zanzibar political developments paralleled those on the mainland. The dockworkers strike of 1948 signalled the beginning of a period of trade union formation and by 1956 about thirty trade unions had emerged which formed themselves into the Federation of Zanzibar and Pemba Trade Unions (ZPFL) (Mbwana undated). In December 1955 the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) wascreated to represent the interests and aspirations of the Arab elite (Othman 2004). The African Association and the Shirazi Association merged to form the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) on February 5, 1957 to represent the Shirazi and African majority (Othman2004, Temwende 2004, 1, US State Department 2005. SeeFormation of Political Parties before 1957for details).The first election of representatives to the Legislative Council took place in July 1957 (see1957 Elections background). The ASP won five of the six elected seats, the other goingto a candidate of the Muslim Association (see1957 electionfor details). However the ASP split shortly thereafter and the breakaway Zanzibar and Pemba People's Party (ZPPP) emerged as a rival to the ASP. In the subsequent elections held in 1961 and 1963 British manoeuvrings ensured that the ASP was able to win less than half the seats, despite winning the bulk of the popular vote (see1961 electionsand1963 electionfor details). This enabled the ZNP and the ZPPP to form a governing coalition acceptable to Britain (Government of Tanzania undated, Karume 2005). It was to this coalition that Britain handed over power to in December 1963 when the archipelago became independent. The government, constituted against the wishes of the general population and dominated by the Sultan and the land-owning Arabs elite, was overthrown in a popular uprising led by the ASP two months later (Temwende 2004, 1, Karume 2005).
References
CHACHAGE, CSL 2003 "Globalizationand Democratic Governance in Tanzania", Development Policy Management Forum, [www]http://www.dpmf.org/Publications/Occassional%20Papers/occasionalpaper10.pdf[PDF document, opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).COLUMBIA
ENCYCLOPEDIA 2004, Sixth Edition, "Tanzania", [www]http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101273670[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).
GOVERNMENT OF TANZANIA UNDATED "History", [www]http://www.tanzania.go.tz/history.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).KARUME, S 2005 "Brief History of Elections and Transition to MultipartyElections" INElection Update 2005: Tanzania Number 1, EISA, 4-5, [www]http://www.eisa.org.za/sites/eisa.org.za/files/imports/import-data/PDF/eutz200501.pdf[PDF document].OTHMAN, H 2004 "Forty years of theunion: Is it withering away?", IPP Media, April 26, 2004 [www]http://ipp.co.tz/ipp/guardian/2004/04/26/9615.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).MBWANA, TO UNDATED "The Historyof Trade Union Movement in Zanzibar", Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), [www]http://tanzania.fes-international.de/doc/tu-the-history-of-trade-union-movement-in-zanzibar.pdf[PDF document, opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).OTHMAN, H 2004 "Forty years of theunion: Is it withering away?", IPP Media, April 26, 2004 [www]http://ipp.co.tz/ipp/guardian/2004/04/26/9615.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).PBS FOUNDATION UNDATED"Tanzania Overview", [www]http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/tz/tz_overview.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).PETER, CM 2000 "Constitution-making in Tanzania: The role of the people in the process", Kituo Cha Katiba: East African Centre for Constitutional Development, [www]http://www.kituochakatiba.co.ug/Maina99.htm[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).TEMWENDE, OK 2004 "Tanzania: A Political and Historical Overview", Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), [www]http://tanzania.fes-international.de/doc/bot-historical-overview.pdf[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).US STATE DEPARTMENT 2005"Background Note: Tanzania", Bureauof African Affairs [www]http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2843.htm[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).
Updated September 2010
In the immediate aftermath of the war the priority of the colonial government was to place the economy on a healthy footing once more; this was assisted by the post-war boom demand for commodities, and the economy of thecolony boomed. The high demand for commodities and the rising wages and incomes to be earned drew increasing numbers of Africans into small scale commercial farming and into wage labour on the plantations (Columbia Encyclopedia 2004, PBS Foundation Undated). A 10-year planwas launched in 1946 to develop the territory, focusing on drawing greater numbers of Africans into thecash economy, improving education and bringing the indigenous people into the political framework through popularly elected local councils (PBS Foundation Undated). Aspects of the10-year plan, such as the Groundnuts Scheme, proved unworkable and had to be scaled down or abandoned (Government of Tanzania undated).In 1946 Tanganyika's status changedand it became a UN trust territory under British direction. British undertakings required that the territory be developed in the interests of its inhabitants and that the inhabitants prepared for participation in political government. Territorial representation of Africans in the Legislative Council began with the appointment of two Africans in 1945 and was later increased to four (as against three Asian and four European representatives). In 1955 the membership was changed to 10 representatives from each group (Government of Tanzania undated).Alongside these economic and constitutional developments ran a new political thrust that was to transform the situation. The new levels of African political consciousness and organisation that emerged after the war were first manifested in the dockworkers' strikes of 1947 and 1948 in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar respectively (Othman 2004). Indeed, labour unrestand the concomitant rise of the organised trade union movement characterised the 1950s in Tanganyika (Chachage 2003). The general rise of nationalism on the African continent was expressed in particular in Tanganyika in the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) from the Tanganyika African Association on July 7, 1954, and in its subsequent growth into a mass based popular political party (Othman 2004, Temwende 2004, 1).From the beginning Julius Nyerere, an architect and founder of TANU, regarded the new movement as a vehicle for attaining independence from Britain. Building on the grievances of the people, summed up by Chachage Seithy Chachage as"land alienation, forced labour, taxation, native authorities, low wages, low prices and bad living and working conditions in general under colonialism", TANU under Nyerere sought to connect the struggle for economic and social improvement of individuals and groups with the need for self government and independence as a means to social and political transformation. The vastbulk of the people of Tanganyika seemed to understand and accept this position, for TANU quickly became a mass political party (Chachage 2003). Thus TANU mobilised people in different parts ofthe country around specific issues and grievances, and then went on to use these particular problems to highlight the general problems of colonial government and the need fora self-directed national life. In this way land evictions, coercive developmental measures and other unpopular administrative measures were used to rally the population around TANU and its independence programme (Chachage 2003).The consequence was that the colonialgovernment found it increasingly difficult to deal with social upheavals such as protests and riots without the intermediation of TANU. Nor were there any alternative political organisations that the colonial government could develop as a more docile alternative to TANU. Neither the United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed in 1958 by land owning white settlers as a counter TANU, nor the African National Congress (ANC), which split from TANU in 1958, were able to position themselves as rivals to TANU (Chachage 2003, Peter 2000). In truth, TANU's only potentialrival, the emerging trade union movement, was not susceptible to cooption in this way by the colonial government. After the 1959 electionsconflicts between TANU and the trade union movement began to emerge. TANU would not endorse theseries of strikes that were called among sisal, communications and mineworkers in various parts of the territory, while trade unionists for their part found the lack of support from the major party in the Legislative Council incomprehensible (Chachage 2003).In the first Legislative Council elections in 1959 TANU and its Asian and European compatriots won all theelective seats. Independence for Tanganyika became difficult for Britain to gainsay (Government of Tanzania undated, PBS Foundation Undated). For her part Britain had little to gain from blocking independence. There were few white settlers in Tanganyika, and only a fraction of these were British. Moreover Britain had slight economic interests in the colony and those they had could be served as well under local as under British rule. The upshot was that self rule was granted in December 1959, elections were held in 1960 that confirmed TANU's overwhelming dominance (see1960 Legislative Council election resultsfor details) and independencefollowed shortly thereafter in December 9, 1961 (Temwende 2004, 1).In Zanzibar political developments paralleled those on the mainland. The dockworkers strike of 1948 signalled the beginning of a period of trade union formation and by 1956 about thirty trade unions had emerged which formed themselves into the Federation of Zanzibar and Pemba Trade Unions (ZPFL) (Mbwana undated). In December 1955 the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) wascreated to represent the interests and aspirations of the Arab elite (Othman 2004). The African Association and the Shirazi Association merged to form the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) on February 5, 1957 to represent the Shirazi and African majority (Othman2004, Temwende 2004, 1, US State Department 2005. SeeFormation of Political Parties before 1957for details).The first election of representatives to the Legislative Council took place in July 1957 (see1957 Elections background). The ASP won five of the six elected seats, the other goingto a candidate of the Muslim Association (see1957 electionfor details). However the ASP split shortly thereafter and the breakaway Zanzibar and Pemba People's Party (ZPPP) emerged as a rival to the ASP. In the subsequent elections held in 1961 and 1963 British manoeuvrings ensured that the ASP was able to win less than half the seats, despite winning the bulk of the popular vote (see1961 electionsand1963 electionfor details). This enabled the ZNP and the ZPPP to form a governing coalition acceptable to Britain (Government of Tanzania undated, Karume 2005). It was to this coalition that Britain handed over power to in December 1963 when the archipelago became independent. The government, constituted against the wishes of the general population and dominated by the Sultan and the land-owning Arabs elite, was overthrown in a popular uprising led by the ASP two months later (Temwende 2004, 1, Karume 2005).
References
CHACHAGE, CSL 2003 "Globalizationand Democratic Governance in Tanzania", Development Policy Management Forum, [www]http://www.dpmf.org/Publications/Occassional%20Papers/occasionalpaper10.pdf[PDF document, opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).COLUMBIA
ENCYCLOPEDIA 2004, Sixth Edition, "Tanzania", [www]http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101273670[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).
GOVERNMENT OF TANZANIA UNDATED "History", [www]http://www.tanzania.go.tz/history.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).KARUME, S 2005 "Brief History of Elections and Transition to MultipartyElections" INElection Update 2005: Tanzania Number 1, EISA, 4-5, [www]http://www.eisa.org.za/sites/eisa.org.za/files/imports/import-data/PDF/eutz200501.pdf[PDF document].OTHMAN, H 2004 "Forty years of theunion: Is it withering away?", IPP Media, April 26, 2004 [www]http://ipp.co.tz/ipp/guardian/2004/04/26/9615.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).MBWANA, TO UNDATED "The Historyof Trade Union Movement in Zanzibar", Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), [www]http://tanzania.fes-international.de/doc/tu-the-history-of-trade-union-movement-in-zanzibar.pdf[PDF document, opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).OTHMAN, H 2004 "Forty years of theunion: Is it withering away?", IPP Media, April 26, 2004 [www]http://ipp.co.tz/ipp/guardian/2004/04/26/9615.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).PBS FOUNDATION UNDATED"Tanzania Overview", [www]http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/tz/tz_overview.html[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).PETER, CM 2000 "Constitution-making in Tanzania: The role of the people in the process", Kituo Cha Katiba: East African Centre for Constitutional Development, [www]http://www.kituochakatiba.co.ug/Maina99.htm[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).TEMWENDE, OK 2004 "Tanzania: A Political and Historical Overview", Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), [www]http://tanzania.fes-international.de/doc/bot-historical-overview.pdf[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).US STATE DEPARTMENT 2005"Background Note: Tanzania", Bureauof African Affairs [www]http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2843.htm[opens new window] (accessed 23 Feb 2010).
Comments
Post a Comment